Tuesday, April 14, 2009

Jesus: Essential Reading

Blomberg. Craig. 1997. Jesus and the Gospels. Nashville : Broadman & Holman.
This is an outstanding overview of the background and issues surrounding the study of Jesus and the Gospels.
Bock, Darrell L. 2002. Jesus according to Scripture : Restoring the Portrait from the Gospels. Grand Rapids, Mich. : Baker Academic.
Presents a comprehensive picture of Jesus based solidly on a harmony of the four Gospels.
Eddy, Paul Rhodes and Gregory Boyd. 2007. The Jesus Legend. Grand Rapids : Baker Academic.
While focusing mostly on the “Jesus myth” theory, this book demolishes much of the liberal nonsense underlying the last 200 years of critical theories about Jesus. Outstanding!
Evans, Craig. 2006. Fabricating Jesus. Downers Grove, IL : IVP.
Provides and excellent discussion and refutation of modern critical attacks against Jesus and the Gospels by one of the world’s most knowledgeable Jesus scholars.
Habermas, Gary R. 1996. The Historical Jesus: Ancient Evidence for the Life of Christ. Joplin, MO : College Press.
Excellent discussion of historical sources--especially non-biblical sources--for the existence of Jesus
Habermas, Gary and Michael Licona. 2004. The Case for the Resurrection of Jesus. Grand Rapids : Kregel.
Not nearly as scholarly or extensive as Wright’s Resurrection of the Son of God, but Habermas has produced an excellent, practical guide to discussing and defending the resurrection of Jesus including a refutation of a wide array of counter proposals.
Harris, Murray J. 1992. Jesus as God; the New Testament Use of Theos in Reference to Jesus. Grand Rapids : Baker.
May well be the best defense of Jesus deity in the New Testament ever published. Very scholarly but even non-scholars can learn a lot.
MacArthur, John. The Gospel According to Jesus; Revised & Expanded Edition. Grand Rapids : Zondervan.
An excellent discussion of what it really means to be a Christian and to follow Jesus. Includes an appendix on answers to criticism of the first edition.
Strobel, Lee. 1998. The Case for Christ. Grand Rapids : Zondervan. A journalist investigates evidence for Jesus and the historical reliability of the Gospels.
This is a very simple, basic introduction to the critical attacks against Jesus and the Gospels. For a more thorough and sophisticated (and for most, harder to understand defense, see Fabricating Jesus by Craig Evans).
Wenham, David. 1995. Paul; Follower of Jesus or Founder of Christianity? Grand Rapids : Eerdmans.
A prominent British scholar demonstrates convincingly that Paul did not make up his own religion—as many have charged—but got his theology from Jesus.
Witherington, Ben. 1987. The Christology of Jesus. Minneapolis : Fortress Press.
Witherington, uses the critics own historical methods and sources to show that Jesus presented himself as the messiah, savior and Son of God.
Wright, N.T. 2003. The Resurrection of the Son of God. Minneapolis : Fortress Press.
At over 800 pages this is probably the most extensive examination of the resurrection ever published. Truly outstanding!

Other good Jesus books


Bauckham, Richard. 2006. Jesus and the Eyewitnesses; The Gospels as eyewitness testimony. Grand Rapids : Eerdmans.
Against the grain of liberal criticism, Bauckham produces impressive evidence that the Gospels are based on eyewitness testimony for the ministry of Jesus.
Blomberg, Craig L. 1987. The Historical Reliability of the Gospels. Westmont, IL : Intervarsity Press.
Excellent discussion affirming the Gospels’ historical reliability.
Bock, Darrell and Daniel Wallace. 2007. Dethroning Jesus; Exposing popular culture’s quest to unseat the biblical Christ. Nashville : Thomas Nelson.
Refutation of modern attacks against Jesus.
Boyd, Gregory A. 1995. Cynic Sage, or Son of God: Recovering the Real Jesus in an Age of Revisionist Replies. Victor Books.
One of the most thorough and devastating critiques of the radical critics, John Dominic Crossan and Burton Mack in print.
Burridge, Richard A. 1995. What are the Gospels? New York : Cambridge University Press.
A comparison of the Gospels with ancient biographies showing that the Gospels fit well in to the ancient genre of “bios” or biography.
Carson, D.A., Douglas Moo and Leon Morris. 1992. An Introduction to the New Testament. Grand Rapids : Zondervan.
Provides an excellent overview of background issues (authorship, date, content, etc.) involved in studying the Gospels.
Copan, Paul and Ronald Tacelli, eds. 2000. Jesus’ Resurrection, Fact or Figment; a Debate Between William Lane Craig and Gerd Ludemann. Downers Grove, IL : Intervarsity Press, 2000.
William Lane Craig is one of Evangelicalism’s leading philosopher/theologians (with doctors degrees in both fields). Gerd Ludemann is a radical critic in the same camp as Crossan, Mack, Funk, etc.
Craig, William Lane and John Dominic Crossan. 1998. Will the Real Jesus Please Stand up? : A Debate Between William Lane Craig and John Dominic Crossan. Grand Rapids, Mich. : Baker Books.
William Lane Craig is one of Evangelicalism’s leading philosopher/theologians (with doctors degrees in both fields). John Dominic Crossan was co-founder of the Jesus Seminar and one of the most influential Jesus scholars in the world.
Dunn, James D. G. 2003. Jesus Remembered. Grand Rapids : Eerdmans.
A monumental work, at over 1,000 pages! The book, all by itself, is a complete education on issues surrounding the historical study of Jesus from a moderately conservative perspective.
--. 1985. The Evidence for Jesus. Philadelphia : Westminster Press.
A moderately conservative British scholar evaluates the historical evidence for Jesus. Written for non-scholars.
Erickson, Millard. 1991. The Word Became Flesh: A Contemporary Incarnational Theology. Grand Rapids : Baker.
A theological discussion of Jesus from one of evangelicalism’s most prominent contemporary theologians.
Evans, C. Stephen. 1996. The Historical Christ and the Jesus of Faith : The Incarnational Narrative as History. Oxford : Clarendon Press ; New York : Oxford University Press.
A philosophical discussion of the historical Jesus by a prominent evangelical philosopher.
France, R.T. 1986. The Evidence for Jesus. Downers Grove, IL : Intervarsity Press.
Evaluation of the historical evidence for Jesus. Written for non-scholars.
Green, Joel B. and Scot McKnight, eds. 1992. Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels. Downers Grove, IL : Intervarsity Press.
Excellent source of information on a wide range of topics about Jesus and the Gospels.
Groothuis, Douglas. 1990. Revealing the New Age Jesus; Challenges to the Orthodox View of Christ. Downers Grove, IL : Intervarsity Press.
Argues against various New Age philosophies of Jesus.
Goodacre, Mark. 2002. The Case Against Q. Harrisburg, PA : Trinity Press International.
A British scholar presents a very convincing argument that “Q” never existed. Scholarly arguments but much can be understood by non-scholars as well.
Guthrie, Donald. 1990. New Testament Introduction. London : Inter-Varsity.
One of the world’s best conservative Bible scholars and theologians. This book is a gold-mine of background information (date, authorship, etc) about the Gospels and the rest of the New Testament.
Habermas, Gary and Anthony Flew. 1987. Did Jesus Rise from the Dead? Scranton, PA : HarperCollins.
Habermas, a Bible/Philosophy professor at Liberty University, debates Anthony Flew, a world-class (former) atheist philosopher, about whether Jesus rose from the dead. Also contains responses from other scholars.
Jenkins, Philip. 2001. Hidden Gospels; How the Search for Jesus Lost its Way. New York : Oxford University Press.
A gold-mine of information about Gnostic and apocryphal gospels and fictional gospels written down through the centuries. Jenkins is a historian from Pennsylvania State University who shows that the hype about newly discovered gospels is just that--hype.
Jones, Timothy Paul. Misquoting Truth; A guide to the fallacies of Bart Ehrman’s Misquoting Jesus. Downer’s Grove, PA : IVP.
Refutation of Bart Ehrman’s recent attacks on the reliability of the New Testament.
Ladd, George Eldon. 1975. I Believe in the Resurrection of Jesus. Grand Rapids : Eerdmans.
A theologian from Fuller Seminary provides evidence for the bodily resurrection of Jesus.
Linnemann, Eta. 1992. Is There a Synoptic Problem? : Rethinking the Literary Dependence of the First Three Gospels. Grand Rapids, Mich. : Baker Book House.
Linnemann, a one-time student of Rudolf Bultmann before her conversion, argues that the Gospels were written independently.
Marshall, I. Howard. 1977. I Believe in the Historical Jesus. Grand Rapids : William B. Eerdmans Publishing.
A moderately conservative and “world-class” British scholar who presents evidence for the historical Jesus.
Moucarry, Chawkat. 2002. The Prophet & the Messiah; An Arab Christian’s Perspective on Islam & Christianity. Downer’s Grove, IL : Intervarsity Press.
Contains significant discussion on Jesus and Islam.
Newman, Carey, ed. 1999. Jesus & the Restoration of Israel : A Critical Assessment of N.T. Wright's Jesus and the Victory of God. Downers Grove, Ill. : Intervarsity Press.
Essays by numerous evangelical scholars evaluating the methods and conclusions of N.T. Wright who is one of the world’s most prominent Jesus scholars.
Van Voorst, Robert E. 2000. Jesus Outside the New Testament. Grand Rapids : Eerdmans.
Excellent discussion of ancient evidence for Jesus, especially non-biblical evidence..
Wenham, John. 1984. Easter Enigma. Grand Rapids : Baker.
A prominent British scholar shows that, contrary to critical arguments, the Gospel resurrection narratives are not nearly contradictory as the critics imagine.
Wilkins, Michael J and J.P. Moreland, eds. 1995. Jesus under Fire. Grand Rapids, Mich. : Zondervan.
Critique of the notorious “Jesus Seminar.”
Witherington, Ben. 1999. Jesus the Seer; the Progress of Prophecy. Peabody, MA : Hendrickson, 1999.
Witherington, a conservative evangelical scholar from Asbury Seminary, discusses Jesus as a prophet in the context of ancient near eastern prophets and prophetic literature.
---. 1994. Jesus the Sage; The Pilgrimage of Wisdom. Minneapolis : Fortress Press, 1994.
Witherington discusses Jesus as a sage or wise man in the context of ancient near eastern wisdom literature and other sages.
Wright, N. T. 2003. The Resurrection of the Son of God. Minneapolis : Fortress Press.
Probably one of the most exhaustive and extensive discussions of Jesus’ resurrection in existence. Volume 3 of a multi-volume set.
---. 1996. Jesus and the Victory of God. Minneapolis : Fortress Press.
A discussion of the historical Jesus based on the foundation outlined in New Testament and the People of God. Volume 2 of a multi-volume set.
---. 1991. The New Testament and the People of God. Minneapolis : Fortress Press.
Provides a basic foundation in epistemology, historiography, hermeneutics, history etc. to study Jesus historically. Volume 1 of a multi-volume set.
Review of C. Stephen Evans' The Historical Christ and Jesus of Faith
Dennis Ingolfsland

Evans, a philosopher from Calvin College, approached the study of the historical Jesus from a distinctly philosophical perspective. Most of the book was devoted to clearing away the numerous philosophic presuppositions that had hindered some from accepting a traditional understanding of Jesus. For example, Evans discussed the enlightenment epistemolology of Immanuel Kant and David Hume, arguing that the metaphysical and epistemological assumptions of the enlightenment had collapsed. Evans argued that much of modern critical scholarship was based on outdated philosophical assumptions, and that the time had come to rethink the problem of the historical Jesus from a more modern perspective (Evans 1996, 14-26).

Evans analyzed the idea of gospels as myth focusing on Kierkegaard, C.S. Lewis and Bultmann. According to Evans, Bultmann had uncritically adopted the enlightenment mindset and demythologizing of Bultmann was simply an attempt to get people to view the gospel stories as unhistorical. According to Evans, Kierkegaard and Lewis also viewed the gospels as having the form and function of myth, though they disagreed on the definition. For Kierkegaard, myth was a product of human imagination. For Lewis, myth was a story that discussed abstract and universal truth in a concrete way. While Lewis believed the gospels were myth in this sense, he denied that the gospels had any resemblance to other ancient romances, legends or myths. Evans argued that the gospels could be understood as mythological only in the sense that did not exclude the historical (Evans 1996, 53-79).

Evans discussed whether the various logical or philosophical attacks on the atonement and incarnation doctrines were valid. Evans argued that most arguments against the historical nature of the incarnational narrative rested on modern epistemologies that had been discredited. After examining various theories of atonement and incarnation, Evans concluded that there were no good reasons to think that the incarnational narrative was logically or philosophically impossible (Evans 1996, 80-97; 116-137).

Evans then argued at some length that there was no good reason why accounts containing references to miracles should have been dismissed simply due to the supernatural elements. Evans interacted with Lessing, Kant, Witgenstein, Hegel, Frei, and Troeltsch, concluding that it was improper to dismiss a narrative as unhistorical simply due to the presence of miracles (Evans 1996, 135-202).

Evans continued by evaluating various epistemological systems. Skepticism was simply dismissed on the assumption that people had genuine knowledge. One reason Evans dismissed Classical Foundationalsim[1] was because it was doubtful that there existed an adequate body of foundational facts that could be known with certainty (Evans 1996, 208-210). Evans simply bypassed the entire anti-realism[2] philosophy of Wittgenstein by saying that Wittgenstein’s philosophy was not relevant to the kind of truth Evans was pursuing (Evans 1996, 212).

Evans dismissed coherentism because, among other reasons, there may be several belief systems that were equally coherent and that belief depended upon ones relation to the real world and not simply on the coherence of ones beliefs (Evans 1996, 223-224). Evans then seemed to argue for a view of a modified form of foundationalism, holding that some beliefs were basic, though fallible, in the sense of not being grounded in other beliefs. These basis beliefs were then to be defended, modified or possibly given up, upon reflection and analysis on the attacks of others (Evans 1996, 225-130).

Evans then proceeded to discuss first, the strengths and weaknesses of evidential apologetics, and then the strengths and weaknesses of a reformed apologetics that relied heavily on the witness of the Holy Spirit. Evans argued that the two were not mutually exclusive. The reformed view was how Christians actually gained their religious knowledge. The evidentialist view was how Christians attempted to convince others (Evans 1996, 283-284). Evans concluded the book with a hypothetical case study of how a Christian layman might come to know the truth of Christianty.

There was much helpful in Evans’ presentation. For example, Evans made a good case for reexamining the foundations of Enlightenment epistemologies on which much historical Jesus research was based, on the basis that modern science has made the epistemologies outdated. Evans also did a good job showing how the incarnation, atonement and miracles were not philosophically illogical or impossible.

Nevertheless, there was something lacking in Evans’ own epistemology. Evans’ dismissal of skepticism on the basis that people really do have knowledge, seemed simplistic. His appeal to a body of basic, though fallible, beliefs was something less than convincing. Much more convincing was the critical realism epistemology of N.T. Wright. Critical realism involved a spiraling interaction between the knower and the thing known (Wright 1992, 32-37). Evans’ book was an excellent introduction to the philosophical issues surrounding the historical study of Jesus, but the book had very little to do with a historical reconstruction of Jesus himself.


[1] Classical foundationalism as described by Evans, was the view that all beliefs needed to be based on evidence and that the firmness of belief was to be based on the quality of the evidence (Evans 1996, 208-209).
[2] Anti-realism philosophies, according to Evans, rejected the idea that truth was determined by how the world actually was (Evans 1996, 211).
Review of Elisabeth Schussler Fiorenza's In Memory of Her
Dennis Ingolfsland
In Memory of Her was a feminist reconstruction of Christian origins. Part one had chapters on feminist hermeneutics, critical method and a feminist model of historical reconstruction. Fiorenza’s method was one that accepted the presuppositions of critical biblical scholarship including a hermeneutics of suspicion toward the biblical texts. But Fiorenza’s method went beyond the general skepticism of most non-evangelical biblical scholars.

Since the biblical writings were written by men, Fiorenza assumed that the biblical texts were, therefore, androcentric and strongly biased against women. This being the case, the silence of the texts about women should not be read as if women had no important role to play, but rather as evidence that the male authors were covering up the role of women in the early church. Women must, therefore, be assumed to have been at the center of Christian history alone with the men and the task of feminist scholarship was to work as detectives, not only uncovering the facts, but also engaging in “imaginative reconstruction of historical reality (Fiorenza 1989 41).

One example of this method at work was the list in which Paul greeted “women as leading missionaries and respected leaders of churches” and passages in which Paul expressed his appreciation toward women co-workers. Since Fiorenza’s method requires her to find anti-women sentiment in New Testament writings, however, Fiorenza wrote that Paul probably had no choice but to recognize these women because they were on his leadership level (Fiorenza 1989, 50).

Fiorenza concluded, therefore, that “the androcentric selection and transmission of early christian traditions have manufactured the historical marginality of women” (Fiorenza 1989, 52). Not only that, but the church itself, according to Fiorenza, was not built on the prophets and apostles, but “on the backs of women, slaves and the lower classes” (Fiorenza 1989, 79).

Having laid the hermeneutical ground work in part one, Fiorenza used that ground work to reconstruct the Jesus movement in part two. Fiorenza made a distinction between the Jesus movement in Palestine which was initiated by Jesus and was an “alternative prophetic renewal movement” and the Christian missionary movement which preached “an alternative religious vision” and practiced “a countercultural communal lifeestyle” (Fiorenza 1989, 100). Both were inspired by Jesus.

The Christian missionary movement has often been attributed to Paul since his letters have survived, but Paul was “neither its initiator or its sole leader” (Fiorenza 1989, 101). Realizing that Paul was just one among many early Christian leaders “allows us to conceptualize this movement in such a way that women can emerge as initiators and leaders of the movement and not just as Paul’s helpers” (Fiorenza 1989, 101). Along the same lines, the Gospels must be understood as having undergone an lengthy redational and traditioning process in which the writers were not so much concerned about what really happened as they were with interpretative expressions of what Jesus meant in their own situations. Feminist Jesus’ scholars must, therefore, analyze these accounts critically (Fiorenza 1989, 102).

According to Fiorenza, the earliest “remembrances and interpretations” of Jesus “understood him as Sophia’s messenger and later as Sophia herself” (Fiorenza 1989, 134). Jesus called people to a “discipleship of equals” (Fiorenza 1989, 107) and proclaimed that God was the God “of the poor and heavy laden, of the outcasts and those who suffer injustice” (Fiorenza 1989, 135). This God, Fiorenza assured her readers, did not will Jesus’ death and did not need atonement or sacrifices (Fiorenza 1989 135).

“Women were the first non-Jews to become members of the Jesus movement” (Fiorenza 1989, 138) as seen by the legend of the Syrophoenician woman who argued with Jesus against limiting his ministry to Jews. The fact that this argument was placed in the mouth of a woman, according to Fiorenza, was a sure “sign of the historical leadership women had in opening up Jesus movement and community to ‘gentile sinners” (Fiorenza 1989 138). The story was significant because hit showed that women were “leaders in expanding the Jesus movement in Galilee” (Fiorenza 1989, 138). In Jesus’ ministry of “the discipleship of equals, the ‘role’ of women is not peripheral or trivial, but at the center” (Fiorenza 1989, 152).

Since Acts was androcentric, one-sided and neglected the contribution of women in the early church, that contribution “must be rescued through historical imagination” (Fiorenza 1989, 167). Fiorenza then rightly pointed out the prominent place women had in the early church as illustrated in the examples of Prisca, Phoebe, Junia, Euodia, Syntyche, Mary, Tryphosa and Persis (Fiorenza 1989, 169-184). Against this background the theology of Paul and women was discussed. Fiorenza concluded that Paul had a “double-edged” impact on women in early Christianity. On the one hand he affirmed equality, freedom and independence for women, but on the other hand he restricted the rights of women in marriage and worship (Fiorenza 1989, 236).

Part three traced this negative impact on through the rest of the first and into the second centuries as patriarchy developed and gradually took over the Christian movement, according to Fiorenza. Fiorenza saw signs of developing patriarchy in the so-called dutero-Pauline epistles of Colossians, First and Second Timothy and Titus as well as in the Petrine letters and Revelation. She also discussed the contribution of non-canonical writings such as First Clement, the letters of Ignatius, the Didache, Shepherd of Hermas, and various Gnostic writings (Fiorenza 1989, 251-315). Fiorenza concluded that the Pastoral epistles and the letters of Ignatius pointed to the gradual patriarchalization of the church which eventually controlled and restricted women’s church and religious associations (Fiorenza 1989, 315).

Schussler-Fiorenza's work was an ideologically motivated re-imagination of Jesus in line with her radical feminist leanings. It was something akin to me re-imagining Jesus as Norwegian (my ancestry). Why don't the gospel writers say he was Norwegian? They were obviously predjudiced against Norwegians and sought to remove any reference to them in their story of Jesus! What nonsense!

With all due respect to Ms. Schussler Fiorenza, some of us are interested in the Jesus of history, not the Jesus of feminist--or any other--imagination.

Monday, April 13, 2009

An Evaluation of Geza Vermes’
Jesus the Jew; A Historian’s Reading of the Gospels
Dennis Ingolfsland
Geza Vermes is a world-class Jewish scholar and expert on Jesus’ Studies. He is a “fellow of the British Academy and Professor Emeritus of Jewish studies at the University of Oxford. He is world-renowned both for his work in Jewish studies and for his work on the historical Jesus.

Jesus the Jew is divided into two main sections: Part One is “the Setting”. The first chapter of this section is about “Jesus the Jew” and gives the reader a very brief overview of Jesus’ ministry. Vermes discusses Jesus’ role as an exorcist, healer and miracle worker. He seems to believe that Jesus was known, even in his own day, as a healer and exorcist, though he doesn’t comment on the reality of the events. He does say that miracles like the calming of the story and the feeding of the crowd:

“must be set beside other Jewish miracle tales of a simarlar kind. Others appear to be secondary accretions: for example the story of Jesus walking on the water by night” (26).

Vermes says that from the very beginning the Gospels portray Jesus as a “popular preacher” (26). He goes on to say, however, while some of these teachings were handed down intact, others are “interpolations” or “reformulations of the originals made by the early church” (26). Vermes does not tell the reader how to distinguish between the two.

Vermes ends the chapter with a discussion of Jesus’ resurrection. His conclusion deserves to be reproduced in its entirety:

But in the end, when every argument has been considered and weighed, the only conclusion accpetable to the historian must be that the opinions of the orthodox, the liberal sympathizer and the critical agnostic alike—and perhaps of the disciples themselves—are simply interpretations of the one disconcerting fact: namely that the women who set out to pay their last respects to Jesus found to their consternation, not a body, but an empty tomb (41).

In chapter two Vermes discusses Jesus in the context of what the historian can know about first century Galilee. He provides a good, though brief, overview of Galilean history and religious culture. Chapter three discusses Jesus in the context of “charismatic Judaism”. In this chapter Vermes covers first century Jewish views on exorcisms and healings, and compares Jesus to other first century holy men such as Honi the Circle Drawer and Hanina ben Dosa.

Part two of Vermes’ work devotes a separtate chapter to each of the following titles of Jesus: prophet, lord, messiah, son of man, and Son of God. Vermes sees Jesus as a charismatic prophet, not unlike others of his day. He argues from the evidence of Qumran and the Talmud, that, “contrary to academic opinion”, it is not only possible, but likely, that Jesus was known as “lord (115). Lord is a title which, in Vermes’ view “links Jesus to his dual role of charismatic Hasid and teacher (127).


Vermes does not seem to think that Jesus thought of himself as the Jewish Messiah but that this was something attributed to him by the early church (154-155). He says there is no reason to doubt that Jesus referred to himself as “the son of man”, but that this was only a circumlocution, not a title (182, 185). He does not doubt tht Jesus might have been known as “the son of God”, (200), but is insistant that this pharase does not mean what the Gospel of John or Ignatius mean by it, i.e. God incarnate.

There are several things to commend about Vermes’ work. First, his historical background matrial is helpful. Second, he portrays Jesus as a charismatic prophet (who was believed to have performed miracles, healings, and exorcisms) and teacher. Third, unlike some of the Jesus’ seminar radicals who argue that Jesus’ body was eaten by dogs (Crossan) or that none of his original disciples really cared what happened to him (Mack), Vermes recognizes the fact that some of Jesus’ women followers found the tomb empty. Fourth, one gets the impression that Vermes is an honest scholar attempting to do historical research and not just trying to destroy traditional Christianity.

On the other hand, I really did not find Vermes’ work all that helpful. His overview of Jesus’ life was too brief and “unargued” to be of much value. And while he did a thorough job of discussing various isolated aspects of Jesus as a person, the reader never gets a good feel for the life, mission and ministry of Jesus as a whole. The book seems to me to be simply the musings of Vermes over various aspects of Jesus ministry.

Second, Vermes is clearly working within the historical critical (and skeptical) framework, but he does not spell out his criteria for determing what is historical. Like Sanders, above, Vermes just gives his reasons for accepting or rejecting the historicity of various gospel pericopaes on a case by case basis. While there is nothing really wrong with this, it cannot compare to the historiography of Wright or Meier who spell out their criteria and evaluate the evidence accordingly.
Review of E.P. Sanders' The Historical Figure of Jesus
Dennis Ingolfsland

Sanders began with an outline of what he regarded as nearly certain historical facts about Jesus’ life. According to Sanders, Jesus was born about 4 BC and spent his early years in Nazareth. Jesus was baptized by John the Baptist, gathered disciples, and preached the kingdom of God in the towns of Galilee. About AD 30 Jesus went to Jerusalem and created a disturbance in the Temple during Passover. He was arrested, tried and executed on orders of Pontius Pilate. His disciples saw him after his death, though Sanders added that in what sense was not sure. The disciples formed a community to await Jesus’ return and to win others to Jesus as God’s messiah (Sanders 1993, 10-11).

Sanders outlined the political situation in Palestine during Jesus’ life, pointing out that Palestine was only governed indirectly by Rome and that Galilee was governed by Antipas who was also semi-independent of Rome. Palestine was governed directly by a high priest with the help of a small council. Romans generally avoided Jerusalem and Palestine was not on the verge of revolution when Jesus ministered, though there was always the possibility of major outbreak as long as Pilate was in charge (Sanders 1993, 31-33).

Jewish religion included a strong belief in monotheism, election and God’s law. Religious Jews believed in repentance, sacrifices, punishments and forgiveness. They worshipped God, circumcised infants, avoided work on the Sabbath and certain foods, and engaged in purification rituals at appropriate times (Sanders 1993, 35-36).

After a brief discussion of non-Christian sources for Jesus’ life, Sanders reviewed the history of Gospel formation, emphasizing that the history of Gospel formation was known only from inference of the finished product. Sander’s view was that the earliest Christians preserved short traditions of Jesus’ words and deeds. Jesus’ words and deeds were later collected and arranged by editors and authors. Some Gospel material, according to Sanders, was revised or created outright (Sanders 1993, 49-77).

After a discussion on distinguishing between the context of Jesus’ life, and the context of the Gospel writers who edited and created material, Sanders provided an overview of Jesus’ life. Having dispensed with the birth narratives as unhistorical, Sanders explained Jesus’ temptation in the wilderness as myth. The story of Jesus’ disciples was retained as basically reliable. While Jesus had somewhat remote followers, and even more remote sympathizers, he seemed to have called only a few to be close followers. Women played a central role in the gospel accounts (Sanders 1993, 78-131).

Sanders confessed to sharing the worldview about the impossibility of miracles. He disagreed both with those who saw Jesus’ miracles as proof of Jesus’ divinity, as well as with those who saw Gospel reports of miracles as evidence that Christianity was based on a fraud. Instead, Sanders argued that miracles were best studied in light of ancient thinking about miracles. Sanders concluded that Jesus thought of himself as the agent of the Spirit of God and that his miracles were evidence that the new age was at hand (Sanders 1993, 132-168).

That Jesus preached the kingdom of God was a given for Sanders. The meaning of that kingdom was a topic Sanders discussed at length. Sanders argued that Jesus’ view of the kingdom was not found by picking and choosing among the Jesus sayings, and that since Paul’s letters clearly demonstrated that one person meant different things by the word kingdom, the simplest explanation for the variety of kingdom sayings was that Jesus simultaneously held them all.[1]

Sanders argued that Jesus taught that he would come again in the near future and that his immediate disciples understood and taught the same. When Jesus didn’t return as promised, Christians revised expectations over and over again, as evidenced by later books in the New Testament such as Second Peter. Jesus did not expect the kingdom to involve the destruction of the universe, but rather a return to an idealized golden age (Sanders 1993,169-188).

According to Sanders, Jesus’ ministry involved more encouragement than censure and more compassion than judgment. Jesus preached high standards but was not puritanical (Sanders 1993, 196-204). Jesus taught God’s love and the need for commitment to God, and that love should be shown to everyone. Sanders, therefore, questioned why Jesus ended up dying on a Roman cross. Jesus’ death was even more confusing to Sanders in light of what Sanders considered to be a significant amount of tolerance in first century Judaism. According to Sanders, Jesus was not executed for blasphemy because the things Jesus said and did would not have been regarded as blasphemous in first century Judaism. Jesus was not executed for disputes over the law and food laws since the disputes reflected the later situation in the church and did not come from the life of Jesus. What was offensive was the fact that Jesus told his followers to give up all they had and follow Jesus because he was God’s agent. He regarded himself as God’s viceroy, second only to God himself. According to Sanders, Jesus was executed because Jesus thought that he was in some sense king (Sanders 1993, 205-248).

There were 5 major scenes comprising Jesus’ last week. 1) Jesus entered Jerusalem on a donkey. Sanders thought it likely that Jesus had read the prophecy and deliberately set out to fulfill it, rather than the alternative that saw it as a prophecy created by the church. 2) Jesus overturned the tables of money changers in the Temple, which, according to Sanders, possibly symbolized the coming destruction of the temple. 3) Jesus had a last supper with his disciples which Sanders regarded as pointing toward the future kingdom. 4) Jesus was arrested by guards of the high priest because of his prophetic demonstration of the destruction of the temple. To the high priest, Jesus was a potential trouble-maker. 5) Jesus was sent to Pilate who ordered Jesus crucified, probably for being a dangerous, religious fanatic (Sanders 1993, 249-274).

Sanders called the resurrection an intractable problem. Jesus’ followers were certain that Jesus had risen from the dead, but they did not agree on who had seen him. Sanders dismissed the idea of outright fraud as implausible. First, many who proclaimed the risen Jesus spent the rest of their lives proclaiming that message, and some even died for it. Second, deliberate deception would have produced a better consensus.[2] In the end, Sanders concluded that it was a fact that Jesus’ followers and Paul had resurrection experiences. Sanders confessed that he did not know what gave rise to those experiences (Sanders 1993, 276-281).

Sanders study avoided the extremes of radical Jesus scholars and his view of Jesus contained many aspects with which evangelical scholars agreed. Sanders’ conclusion that Jesus’ followers had resurrection experiences and his admission that he, Sanders, could not explain those experiences, appeared to be a more historically sound judgment in light of the strong, early and multi-ply attested evidence for the resurrection of Jesus, than attempts by Mack, Crossan, Funk and others to dismiss resurrection accounts as fiction or myth-making.

Some of Sanders’ conclusions regarding the Pharisees and the law however, appeared to come from placing greater credence on later Jewish sources than on the Gospels. While both sets of sources were biased, the Gospels were written much closer in time to the events they described.[3]

[1] Sanders listed 6 categories of sayings on the kingdom: 1) The kingdom of God was a transcendent realm that people entered at death; 2). The kingdom of God was a transcendent realm that now existed in heaven but would one day come to earth; 3) The kingdom of God would be a future realm introduced by a cosmic event or signs; 4) The kingdom was future, but not otherwise defined; 5)The kingdom of God was a realm on earth consisting of people dedicated to God’s will; 6) The kingdom was in some way present in Jesus own words and actions.
[2] The numerous apparent contradictions in the resurrection accounts had long been a subject of scholarly analysis and debate. For discussions, see Wenahm (1984), Brown (1994), and Osborne (1984).
[3] Compare the Mishna (Neusner 1988), for example, which was written about AD 200 from earlier oral traditions, with the Gospels, which were written from AD 70 to AD 100. Some scholars argued that the Gospels were written even earlier than AD 70. See Wenham (1992), Robertson (1976), Thiede (Thiede and D’Ancona 1996).

Meeting Jesus Again for the First Time

Review of Marcus Borg's Meeting Jesus Again for the First Time
Dennis Ingolfsland

Meeting Jesus Again for the First Time began with Borg’s personal testimony. It was a testimony about how Borg went from conservative Christian to closet agnostic to closet atheist, to liberal Christian. Borg’s transformation from closet atheist to liberal Christian occurred when, in his mid-thirties, Borg had a transformation in which he decided that God did not refer to a being out there, but rather to the holy mystery around and within us (Borg 1994, 3-9, 14).

The transformation changed how Borg saw Jesus. He began to make a distinction between the pre-Easter Jesus or historical Jesus—the Jesus devoid of all divine qualities—and the post-Easter Jesus or the spiritual reality his followers experienced. Borg began to see the Christian life as not about believing, but as about “…entering into a relationship with that to which the Christian tradition points, which may be spoken of as God, the risen Christ, or the Spirit (Borg 1994, 17). The rest of Borg’s book was devoted to describing Borg’s view of the historical Jesus.

In Chapter 2 Borg commented on the sources for the life of Jesus which included the synoptic Gospels and the Gospel of Thomas but not the Gospel of John since that was voted as unhistorical by the Jesus Seminar. After mentioning the Jewishness of Jesus and arguing against the reliability of the birth narratives, Borg presented his view of Jesus in 4 strokes. First, Jesus was a spirit person. Second, Jesus was a wisdom teacher. Third, Jesus was a social prophet. Fourth, Jesus was a movement founder. In characterizing Jesus as a spirit person, Borg compared Jesus to other holy men such as Elijah, Black Elk, Honi the Circle Drawer, and Hanina ben Dosa, who all experienced a nonmaterial level of reality (Borg 1994, 30-36).

In Chapter 3, Borg translated the words of Luke 6:36 as “Be compassionate as God is compassionate”.[1] According to Borg, Jesus thought compassion and not holiness was the dominant quality of God. Borg applied his insights to the issue of homosexuality, arguing that since the prohibition against homosexuality was found in the purity codes of Leviticus and that since Paul and Jesus shattered purity boundaries “…homosexual behavior should, therefore be evaluated by the same criteria as heterosexual behavior.” (Borg 1994, 46-59).

Next, Borg asserted that Jesus was a teacher of wisdom, and likened Jesus to Lao-tzu, Buddha and Socrates. As a wisdom teacher, Jesus taught a kind of subversive wisdom that challenged the conventional wisdom of his day. For example, according to Borg, Jesus taught his hearers not to see God as judge but as compassionate. He dismissed passages on judgment as later redactions.

In Chapter 5, Borg discussed the idea of wisdom or Sophia being personified in female form. He discussed how Sophia was with God in the beginning before the world began and how Sophia became associated with the creation of the world. Then Borg argued that the ideas about Sophia were applied by New Testament writers to Jesus, teaching that he was the incarnation of Sophia (Borg 1994, 96-108).

Borg concluded his book with a reaffirmation that Jesus was not the Son of God who came to die for the sins of the world, but rather was a “…spirit person, subversive sage, social prophet and movement founder who invited his followers and hearers into a transforming relationship with the same Sprit that he himself knew…” (Borg 1994, 119). Borg argued that to believe in Jesus did not mean believing facts about him, but rather giving ones heart to the post-Easter Jesus, the living Lord (Borg 1994, 137).

Unfortunately, Borg failed to present arguments for why his readers should give their hearts and lives to a post-Easter Jesus who, in the critical view, was simply a theological or even mythological construct of the Gospel writers.

[1] Borg simply asserted the “Be compassionate” (NEB, JB, SV) was a better translation than “Be merciful” (KJV, NRSV).
Review of Timothy Luke Johnson's, The Real Jesus
Dennis Ingolfsland

Chapter 1 of The Real Jesus is a broad overview of the Jesus Seminar in general. Johnson described the Seminar as a group of scholars selected on the basis of agreement with goals and methods for studying Jesus and who used a biased process in a social mission against traditional Christianity (Johnson 1996, 2-6).

Chapter 2 was essentially a literature review covering recent books on the historical Jesus, from the less responsible to the more substantial. Beginning with the less responsible, the first on the list was Jesus and the Riddle of the Dead Sea Scrolls by Barbara Thiering (1992). According to Thiering, Jesus was the Wicked Priest of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Jesus was crucified, given a poison to make him look dead, and buried in a cave at Qumran. Simon Magus was also crucified but survived, crawled through a tunnel from a connected tomb and gave Jesus something to enable him to purge the poison and recover. Johnson evaluated Thiering’s work as nonsense which defied all canons of serious historical research (Johnson 1996, 29-30).

The next books Johnson reviewed in his less responsible category were Born of a Woman and Resurrection: Myth or Reality (1992) in which Episcopalian Bishop John Spong charged that the Gospel writers covered up what really happened in the story of Jesus. According to Spong, Mary was actually raped and bore an illegitimate child, Jesus, who grew up and married the prostitute Mary Magdalene at Cana. The resurrection, according to Spong was actually the realization that the life of Jesus reflected a new way of understanding God, a way contrary to the view of God as exalted king. Early Christians misunderstood when they concluded from the resurrection that Jesus was divine (Johnson 1996, 33).

According to Johnson, Spong took the legitimate category of midrash and expanded it to include all of the New Testament. The use of midrash provided Spong with the method by which to discredit the New Testament as an historical source and also provided a way in which to re-write history. Johnson characterized Spong’s liberalism as tired rationalism, his argumentation as specious, and his conclusion as banal (Johnson 1996, 33-34).

Johnson next turned his attention to the work of British biographer A.N. Wilson (1992). According to Wilson it was not the historical Jesus but the hateful Paul who was responsible for Christian beliefs. Wilson constructed a view of Jesus on the work of Geza Vermes’ book Jesus the Jew in which Vermes likened Jesus to such charismatic figures as Honi Circle Maker (Vermes 1973). Wilson believes that Jesus was simply a charismatic Jew and his resurrection was merely a resuscitation. According to Johnson, Wilson’s methodology was to create an attitude of skepticism regarding the historical reliability of the Gospels by discussing surface problems in the text. Once the historical reliability of the text was questioned, Wilson was free, according to Johnson, to select whatever struck his fancy (Johnson 1996, 36).

Stephen Mitchell’s The Gospel According to Jesus (1991) was reviewed. According to Johnson, although Mitchell mentioned scholarly criteria for historicity, he relied more on his own feeling of fitness. The result was a Jesus whose entire gospel consisted of “The love we all long for in our innermost heart is already present, beyond longing” (Johnson 1996, 38). According to Mitchell, Jesus’ message of the kingdom was a “…state of being, a way of living at ease among the joys and sorrows on our world” (Johnson 1996, 38). Johnson noted that Mitchell’s support for his conclusions was notably lacking. Johnson characterized Mitchell’s work as a classic example of finding what one intended to find (Johnson 1996, 38).

Johnson then turned his attention to the more substantial studies of which Marcus Borg (1987, 1994) was the first. Borg’s Jesus was a charismatic Jew similar to Chanina Ben Dosa and Honi the Circle Maker, a view for which Borg relied heavily on Geza Vermes. Borg also saw Jesus as a healer, sage, prophet and founder of a renewal movement within Judaism, views with which Johnson agreed.

But Johnson noted how little actual history was in Borg’s work and charged Borg with asserting much and demonstrating little. According to Johnson, Borg was an example of how Jesus was being forced into the mold compatible with assumptions of contemporary American academy (Johnson 1996, 42-43).

According to Johnson, Crossan adhered to consistent methodological procedures more than other authors (Johnson 1996, 45).[1] Crossan’s insistence that all traditions about Jesus be treated equally appeared fair at first glance, but closer examination showed that the evidence was fixed. The fact that Crossan asserted an amazingly early date for extra-canonical materials, and late dates for canonical materials without even discussing the views of those scholars who disagreed, showed that Crossan’s position was assumed, not demonstrated. Crossan seemed to hold any source outside the canon as more reliable than any source within the canon. Johnson commented that motives other than doing serious history were at work (Johnson 1996, 47-48).

Crossan did not seem to realize that confining Jesus to the category of peasant increased the historical implausibility of Crossan’s work. If the so-call open comensality practiced by Jesus was not religious in nature, why did it provoke religious leaders? And if the religious leaders were not provoked, why did a bland Jewish peasant gain the attention of Roman authorities? If Jesus’ death was no more than an accidental occasion of an oppressive Roman rule, why was it remembered at all? If the Resurrection appearances were simply a means to legitimize the authority of early leaders in the Christian movement, why would there be a Christian movement in the first place (Johnson 1996, 49-50).

The final work covered by Johnson was that of Burton Mack (Mack 1988, 1993). For Mack, Jesus was a wisdom teacher after the pattern of Greek Cynics who engaged in a social experiment which was not concerned with divinity or salvation. According to Johnson, Mack required the reader to make the following assumptions. First, all the so-called Q material came from the same source.[2] Second, Mack’s reconstruction of Q was all the material that document ever contained.[3] Third, the original form of Q could be reconstructed by omitting the changes made by Matthew and Luke. Fourth, Q contained all there was to know about the beliefs of the Q community. Fifth, it was possible to discover specific stages of redaction in Q.

Sixth, the stages of redaction were entirely self contained—in other words, the writings of one stage did not influence the writings of another stage.[4] Seventh, the history of the Q community could be reconstructed from the stages of redaction. Finally, the Q community was entirely unaffected by the influence of the Jerusalem church or Paul’s mission. Johnson characterized Mack’s entire argument as pure flimflam and charged that it was highly unlikely that Mack was interested in history at all (Johnson 1996, 53).

Johnson concluded that all these works rejected the canonical gospels as reliable sources, ignored the evidence of Paul, and had a theological agenda in denying traditional Christianity. According to Johnson, what was at stake in modern views of Jesus was a culture war in which modern American Christianity was classified by its responses to the challenge posed by modernity. Johnson pointed out that the unfortunate legacy of the enlightenment was the conviction that the only truth worth considering was that which was empirically verifiable—in this case, historical (Johnson 1996, 60).

Chapter 4 pointed out the limitations of history, which according to Johnson, were deeply problematical. History, by its nature, was not only selective, but was interpreted through the eyes of the writers. Sorting through the maze of subjectivity was what made history so difficult, and “…the complete lack of such critical awareness….” on the part of many authors of historical Jesus books was what was so disturbing. In the case of the Jesus Seminar, even their use of historical criteria was highly subjective and was not consistently applied (Johnson 1996, 83-86).

In Chapter 5 Johnson applied the problems of history in general to the problems of the historical Jesus in particular. The gospel writers disagreed dramatically in their stories of Jesus. Johnson focused, however, on the substantial agreement in the gospel stories and concluded that there was good reason to believe that the agreements were in some fixed form at an early date. Johnson’s historical method was, therefore, to find converging lines of evidence. Johnson’s method was based on the assumption that when several witnesses disagree on a wide range of issues, their agreements were significant and increased the probability that what they agreed on happened (Johnson 1996, 107, 110-112).

After critically analyzing the Testimonium Flavianum in Josephus, Johnson concluded that Josephus asserted Jesus to be teacher and wonder worker who ran into trouble with Jewish leaders and was executed under Pontius Pilate. After discussing the Talmud, Suetonius, Tacitus, and Lucian of Samosata, Johnson pointed out several lines of convergence: use of the title Christos, Jesus’ location in Palestine/Judea, Jesus’ death by execution and the continued presence of a Jesus movement in Josephus’ day. Equally important was what the sources did not say about Jesus, namely there was no indication that he was part of a political or military movement (Johnson 1996, 114-117).

Johnson then examined the evidence from Paul and other New Testament writers—excluding Gospels—and concluded that the lines of convergence point to Jesus as being a Jew of the tribe of Judah who was a descendent of David. Jesus was a teacher whose mission was to the Jews. Jesus was tested and prayed for deliverance. Jesus interpreted his last meal with reference to his death, stood trial before Pilate and was crucified in a way that somehow involved the Jewish leadership in his death. Jesus was buried and appeared to witnesses after his death. Johnson pointed out that while the lines of convergence did not prove historical accuracy, they did, nevertheless, show that such memories of Jesus were fairly widely circulated and were less likely to be a product of the Evangelist’s invention (Johnson 1996, 121-122).

Johnson next discussed the Gospels. He included a favorable evaluation of the work of John Meier who had rigorously applied historical criteria—especially the criteria of multiple attestation--to the task of minutely analyzing the Gospel narratives in order to determine what went back to the historical Jesus (Johnson 1996, 127-133).

Johnson’s critique of the problem of historical Jesus studies was outstanding. Unfortunately, the medicine he offered in solution to the problem was almost as bad as the illness. For Johnson, it was Jesus as risen Lord who was experienced in church and encountered in the Eucharist who was the real Jesus (Johnson 1996, 142). If the real, or existential Jesus was not the historical Jesus, what reason did people have for assuming their encounters with that Jesus were any more valid than a child’s experience of Santa Claus?

Johnson finished the book with an answer to the objection. For Johnson, faith was apparently not simply a blind leap into the abyss, neither was it based on a historical reconstruction of Jesus. Johnson argued, rather that in all 4 Gospels as well as the rest of the New Testament documents, there emerged a pattern or character of Jesus’ life and death as one of “…radical obedience to God and selfless love toward other people…” (Johnson 1996, 158). The character of Jesus life was the pattern of discipleship to which modern Christians should hold.

[1] See also Crossan 1973, 1985, 1988, 1991, 1994, 1995).
[2] In other words, it was at least hypothetically possible that the material which twentieth century scholars identify as Q actually came from two or more separate sources used by Matthew and Luke.
[3] The reader must be familiar with Mack to understand Johnson’s point here. Mack argued quite specifically about what the Q community did and did not believe based on his reconstruction of Q. For example, Q supposedly contained no references or allusions to the resurrection of Jesus—a conclusion which was subject to debate—therefore the Q community did not believe in the resurrection of Jesus. The problem was that if Q was originally larger than the material common to Matthew and Luke, it may very well have contained references to the resurrection.
[4] Johnson was a little unclear in his explanation. Presumably what he meant was that if the writers of the supposed Q2 had allowed their work to be influenced by the writers of Q1, Q2 writings might evidence a mixed character containing elements of Cynic sayings and rules/rejection motifs combined into one. But if that were the case, it would be impossible to separate the sayings into Q1, Q2, and Q3 in the first place. The fact is that Q does in fact have passages which show evidence precisely of a mixed character (Ingolfsland 1997).

Honest to Jesus

Review of Robert Funk's Honest to Jesus
Dennis Ingolfsland

According to Funk, in Honest to Jesus, Christianity did not begin with Jesus and it was the job of scholars to work back to the real Jesus from the orthodoxy which, from the second to fourth centuries elevated Jesus of Nazareth to god (Funk 1996, 31, 45). Some of the barriers blocking the quest were ignorance, naïve literalism, a self-serving clergy and traditional views about Jesus as Son of God and the Bible as inerrant (Funk 1996, 47-56).

Since historical sources for Jesus were often slanted and distorted, the trick was to separate the historical from the unhistorical.[1] Historians were obligated to verify every scrap of information before accepting it as factual. The historian’s job involved.1) Isolating particular bits of historical information.[2] 2) Classifying the particulars into groups. 3) Compiling comparative evidence. 4) Arranging groups into strata. 5) Studying evidence of literary transmission. 6) Placing the subject into a broader social context. 7) Analyzing how the observer affected the observed. 8) Noting how scholarly biases affected the selection of data and resulting reconstructions (Funk 1996, 57-62).[3]

Funk discussed the Old, New and Third Quests for the historical Jesus, noting how scholars like Raymond Brown and John Meier took critical scholarship as far as it could go without violating their church traditions (Funk 1996, 62-65). Funk explained what he termed the Renewed Quest of which he was a part. The Renewed Quest was characterized by secular scholarship and tended to place emphasis on the parables, wisdom literature and various non-canonical sources for first century Judaism;[4] often to the exclusion or negation of canonical texts (Funk 1996, 66-76).

Funk provided the reader with information on transmission, translation and canonization of the biblical text. Funk informed readers that all translations were misleading (Funk 1996, 81)[5], that no two copies of the Greek New Testament were alike[6], that there were 70,000 variants in the Greek texts of the New Testament[7], that all critical editions of the Greek text were creations of the editors and not identical with any ancient Greek text (Funk 1996, 94-95)[8], and that in the Middle Ages the publishers decided which books were included in the Bible (Funk, 1996, 106-107).[9]

Funk concluded Part 1 with a discussion of the creation of the canonical Gospels. According to Funk, after the fall of Jerusalem in AD 70 the writer of Mark collected oral traditions about Jesus’ teachings and created the first gospel in which Jesus was part of a story plot.[10] Much of the story plot, Funk assured his readers, was the result of the creative imagination of the writer (Funk 1996 131).

In the 80s or 90s the Gospel of Mark was revised and expanded by the writers of Matthew and Luke who also used the sayings gospel Q as a source and invented even more material to include in the Gospels (Funk 1996, 121-122, 132). Since Q and the Gospel of Thomas lacked references to Jesus’ birth, death, childhood or resurrection, Funk speculated that the original Gospels consisted primarily of pronouncements and parables of Jesus and the much of the rest was simply Christian overlay (Funk 1996, 135-137).

In Part 2 of Honest to Jesus, Funk informed readers that there were over 1500 variations of the 500 sayings attributed to Jesus. Sifting through the sayings attributed to Jesus led Funk to conclude that Jesus was a comic savant who mixed humor with subversive teachings. For example, when Jesus was asked about clean and unclean foods,[11] Jesus replied that it is not what went in that polluted, but what came out—leaving his hearers to decide what orifice he had in mind (Funk 1996, 160). Funk simply assumed that the context which made clear that Jesus was thinking of that which came from the heart and proceeded out of the mouth, was something the evangelist supplied and thus changed Jesus’ meaning.

Funk used similar methodology in interpreting the parables. Funk spoke of how Luke misunderstood and misrepresented the story of the Good Samaritan (Funk 1996, 170, 178). The Good Samaritan was really about how God’s kingdom came only to those who did not have a right to expect it and could not resist it, and that such help always came from someplace unexpected (Funk 1996, 180).

Funk viewed Jesus as a Galilean, socially promiscuous deviant (Funk 1996, 204) who was an irreverent, secular sage (Funk 1996, 302) but who preached about God’s domain (Funk 1996, 149). Jesus was not eschatological,[12] not a moralist, did not claim to be equal with God (Funk 1996, 210), and did not call for repentance (Funk 1996, 163). Jesus preached love for enemies and was more inclusive than exclusive (Funk 1996, 200). According to Funk’s Jesus, those who thought they belonged to God’s kingdom, did not. Those who were afraid they did not belong were precisely those who entered: the prodigal, the homeless, tax collectors, and prostitutes, (Funk 1996, 215), all apparently without repentance.

The Passion accounts, according to Funk, were filled with contradictory fictions that had been elaborated as the story grew. According to Funk, Jesus was probably eaten by dogs or crows (Funk 1996, 219) and the resurrection was apparently based on subjective visions that were eventually fictionally written down as a physical occurrence in response to the Gnostics (Funk 1996, 257-276). There were, according to Funk, no facts in the Christian story that were immune from doubt.[13] It appeared to Funk as though Mark had created the first version of the story and every other version was based on Mark’s Gospel (Funk 1996, 219-240). The gospel story was then propagated and changed by Christians who wanted to market the messiah and legitimate authority over the churches (Funk 1996, 241-256, 272-273, 276, 295).

It would have taken a book to respond to all the problems in Funk’s work, only a few were addressed here. First, Funk was a master at using facts to mislead readers. When Funk informed his readers that all translations were misleading (Funk 1996, 81) he was correct to the extent that all translations were to varying degrees interpretations. Nevertheless, the way Funk made his case led the uninformed reader to conclude that there were no good translations, except possibly the Scholars Version, produced by the Jesus Seminar.

Another example of using facts to mislead was when Funk asserted that publishers in the Middle Ages decided what books went into the Bible (Funk 1996, 106-107). While it was true that publishers differed on the order of New Testament books and on whether to include the apocrypha, the impression Funk left on the uninformed reader was that there was no consensus on the canon until the Middle Ages and that is not true. Unfortunately, the examples of apparent deception were not isolated instances but were so pervasive throughout the book that it appeared as though Funk was more interested in pressing an anti-traditional agenda than in pursuing objective scholarship.

Second, Funk wrote that the first step in historical methodology involved isolating bits of historical information (Funk 1996, 60). While Wright’s methodology challenged the approach (Borg and Wright 1999, 23), Meier used the approach with considerable success. Unlike, Funk, Meier engaged in rigorous, painstaking analysis of the text using standard historical criteria. While Funk gave lip service to some of the standard historical criteria, he often referred to the conclusions of the Jesus Seminar rather than demonstrating his conclusions. Rather than interact with Meier’s study, Funk dismissed the conclusions out of hand. It appeared as though Funk was more interested in pursuing his agenda than interacting with serious biblical scholarship.

Third, Funk’s method of explaining how the evangelists misunderstood Jesus was dubious at best (Funk 1996, 160, 170, 178). It was certainly valid to question the authenticity of a parable or saying of Jesus based on lack of multiple attestation or lack of coherence as Meier did, for example. But to take that saying or parable out of context, reinterpret it apart from the context, and then explain that the evangelist had obviously misunderstood Jesus appeared to be less than objective scholarship.

[1] By Funk’s time it had long been popular among non-evangelical New Testament scholars to dismiss the Gospels as unhistorical because they were biased theological writings. As Wright, pointed out, however, all history was interpreted and the Gospels were no less historical simply because they were theologically interpreted (Wright 1992, 95).
[2] Wright pointed out that the method of isolating bits of historical information was based on two unproven assumptions. First, it assumed that isolated bits of Jesus material circulated in the early church apart from narrative frameworks. Second, the rules for assesing the bits of Jesus material were already predetermined by a well-developed theory about the nature of Jesus and the early church (Borg and Wright 1999, 23).
[3] Wright provided an alternate assessment of historical methodology. “The guild of New Testament studies has become so used to operating with a hermeneutic of suspicion that we find ourselves trapped in our own subtlties. If two ancient writers agree about something, that proves one got it from the other. If they seem to disagree, that proves that one or both are wrong. If they say an event fulfilled biblical prophecy they made it up to look like that. If an event or saying fits a writer’s theological scheme, that writer invented it. If there are two accounts of similar events, they are a ‘doublet’ (there was only one event); but if a single account has anything odd about it, there must have been two events, which are now conflated. And so on. Anything to show how clever we are, how subtle, to have smoked out the reality behind the text. But, as any author who has watched her or his books being reviewed will know, such reconstructions again and again miss the point, often wildly. If we cannot get it right when we share a culture, a period, and a language, it is highly likely that many of our subtle reconstructions of ancient texts and histories are our own unhistorical fantasies….” (Borg and Wright 1999, 18).
[4] For example: The Dead Sea Scrolls, Nag Hamadi library, and various non-canonical texts.
[5] While all translations were, to varying degrees, interpretations, to say that all translations were misleading was itself a misleading statement.
[6] To the biblical scholar who understood that New Testament Greek manuscripts were handwritten and therefore had occasional omissions, spelling errors, etc., Funk’s statement made perfect sense. But to a popular audience, to whom Funk’s book was addressed, Funk’s statement had the potential for misleading readers into thinking that the two copies of the same gospel contained different stories.
[7] To the New Testament scholar who understood that there were 5,000 extant manuscripts of the Greek New Testament and that every minor spelling variation in every one of those manuscripts counted as a variant, Funk’s statement made perfect sense. But to a popular audience, to whom Funk’s book was addressed, Funk’s statement had the potential for misleading readers into thinking that with 70,000 variants the New Testament couldn’t be trusted. In fact, the evidence for New Testament textual relaibility was stronger than for any other text in the ancient world and was considered highly reliable by scholars (Bruce 1963, 178; Greenlee 1964, 15; Metzger 1968, 34).
[8] To the New Testament scholar who understood that modern critical editions of the Greek New Testament removed the spelling errors, obvious omissions and word duplications, and provided footnotes or critical apparatus for other variations, Funk’s statement made sense. But to a popular sudience, to whom Funk’s book was addressed, Funk’s statement had the potential for misleading the reader to thinking that modern critical editions of the Greek New Testament were not reliable reflections of ancient Greek New Testament texts.
[9] In the Middle Ages the Christian Bible was the Vulgate which was virtually unquestioned until the time of Luther. Publishers after Luther’s time began to question whether the Bible should contain the apocrypha or not but otherwise the content of the Bible was virtually unquestioned. New Testament scholars and church historians understood this, but Funk’s statement had the potential for misleading the average reader to thinking that the canon of the New Testament was still largely undecided in the Middle Ages and was the result of publishers’ decisions.
[10] Funk believed that Q and an early version of the Gospel of Thomas were in existence before the Gospel of Mark, but these consisted of sayings by Jesus, not a story about Jesus.
[11] Mark 7:17-23.
[12] An eschatological prophet was one who preached that God would one day, maybe soon, dramatically intervene in human affairs with cosmological signs and wonders, possibly bringing human history to an end.
[13] The fact was that absolutely nothing was immune from doubt to some skeptics, so Funk’s statement was essentially meaningless.
Review of Ben Witherington's The Christology of Jesus
Dennis Ingolfsland

In The Christology of Jesus (Augsburg, 1990) Witherington sought to determine the self-understanding of Jesus using standard historical-critical methodology, focusing mostly on Q and the Gospel of Mark. More specifically, Witherington sought evidence that Jesus thought of himself as more than an ordinary human being (Witherington 1990, 1-2, 29-30).

After an introduction on methodology and criteria for authenticity, Witherington sought to determine who Jesus was though Jesus’ relationships with John the Baptist, the Pharisees, revolutionaries and his disciples. With regard to John the Baptist, Witherington concluded that while Jesus had a normal historical consciousness, Jesus thought of himself as bringing about the eschatological blessings promised by Isaiah and may have even seen himself as the embodiment of divine Wisdom (Witherington 1990, 54-55).

With regard to the Pharisees Jesus thought of himself as one who was not only above the Pharisees, but above the Torah itself (Withrington 1990, 80). While Jesus lived in a time of revolutionaries, he was not a revolutionary, though his messianic ministry had political and social implications (Witherington 1990, 117).

With regard to his disciples, Jesus chose 12 men symbolizing Israel and pointing to Jesus’ view that he was the final apostle and shepherd of God who was called to implement the final eschatological re-gathering of Israel (Witherington 1990, 128, 142-14).

Witherington also discussed the Christology of Jesus with regard to Jesus’ actions and words. Jesus’ actions showed that he was an apocalyptic seer who called his audience to repentance in view of the inbreaking of God’s kingdom, and expected his hearers to respond to his works in faith and repentance (Witherington 1990, 175-176). Jesus’ words seem to indicate that he thought of himself as a messiah, though not one that most expected. Jesus believed that it was God’s will that he die as a ransom for many. Jesus expected, however, that he would be vindicated after his death, coming in the clouds of heaven as indicated by the Danielic Son of Man vision, and would judge the world (Witheringon 1990, 262). While Jesus would not have fully understood the question, Are you God?—since that would have meant Are you the father in heaven?—nevertheless, had he been able to read the Gospel of John, Jesus would have had no trouble accepting its view of Jesus’ identity (Witherington 1990, 275-277).

Witherington provided one of the best analyses of Jesus yet in print. Carefully following the methodology of critical scholarship, Witherington demonstrated that Jesus not only viewed himself as the Jewish messiah but believed his mission was to die as a ransom for many and to return to judge the world. Furthermore, Jesus would have agreed with assessment of his divinity found in the Gospel of John.

Jesus according to Meier and Wright

The Historical Jesus according to John Meier and N.T. Wright
Dennis Ingolfsland

The following is a version of an article published in Bibliotheca Sacra (October-December 1998): 460-473.

Introduction:
Two contemporary giants in the field of historical Jesus research are John Meier and N. T. Wright. Both have written significant works on Jesus and are at the forefront of the Third Quest for the historical Jesus.[1] John Meier is a Catholic priest and Professor of New Testament at Catholic University of America. Tom Wright is an Anglican canon who, after teaching for twenty years at such prestigious institutions as Cambridge and Oxford Universities, is now Dean of Lichfield cathedral in England.

This paper will provide a brief overview and comparison of the historical methodology and views of Jesus presented in Meier’s A Marginal Jew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus (two volumes, 1,482 pages) and N.T. Wright’s Jesus and the People of God and Jesus and the Victory of God (1,138 pages total). The paper will begin with an overview and critique of Meier’s and Wright’s works individually, followed by a comparison of their historical methods.

I. The Historical Jesus according to John Meier
Meier writes, “The historical Jesus is not the real Jesus.”[2] The “historical Jesus” refers to that which can be reconstructed by means of modern historical research.[3] While no one can know everything a person said and did, enough is known about many public figures in modern history to get a fairly complete picture. Unfortunately, for most people in the ancient world, the evidence does not allow such complete reconstructions. So although the evidence does not allow us to have a very complete picture of the “real” Jesus, we can know the “historical Jesus.”[4]

Meier begins with a detailed discussion and critical analysis of historical sources for Jesus’ life, including Josephus, Tacitus, and apocrypha. The apocrypha are dismissed as being historically unreliable, though the Coptic Gospel of Thomas is discussed at some length because of its recent use in post-Bultmannian circles. Meier concludes that it is more probable “that the Gospel of Thomas knew and used at least some of the canonical Gospels, notably Matthew and Luke.”[5]
Suetonius, Pliny the Younger, Lucian, the Dead Sea Scrolls, the agrapha, Pseudepigrapha, Philo, latter Rabbinic literature, and Nag Hammadi texts are also discussed briefly, but dismissed as not contributing much directly to the topic. Meier concludes that none of these works contain any direct references to Jesus or John the Baptist and that reports to the contrary “simply proves that learned fantasy knows no limits.”[6]

Our primary non-Christian source for the historical Jesus, therefore, comes from Josephus. After a lengthy and detailed discussion of the Testimonium Flavianum, Maier concludes that the passage is authentic as it stands with the exception of three phrases: “If indeed one should call him a man”, “He was the Messiah” and “he appeared to them on the third day….” [7] Therefore, according to Meier, Josephus confirms that Jesus was known as a wise-man and teacher, a miracle-worker and exorcist who had a large following but was accused by Jewish leaders and crucified by Pontius Pilate. His followers continued on into Josephus’ day.[8] Since this is not much to go on, Meier concludes that the four canonical Gospels are the only significant sources of information for the study of the historical Jesus.

Meier adopts the standard critical position that the gospels were written from forty to seventy years after Jesus lived and that the problem is, therefore, to “distinguish what comes from Jesus” (stage one) “from what was created by the oral tradition of the early church” (stage two), “and what was produced by the editorial work (redaction) of the evangelists” (stage three).[9] Meier proposes five primary criteria, and five secondary criteria by which to separate that which is historical from that which is not. The primary criteria are: 1) the criterion of embarrassment.[10] 2) the criterion of discontinuity.[11] 3) the criterion of multiple attestation.[12] 4) the criterion of coherence.[13] and 5) the criterion of rejection and execution.[14] The secondary criteria are: 1) the criterion of traces of Aramaic.[15] 2) the criterion of Palestinian environment.[16] 3) the criteria of vividness of narration.[17] 4) the criterion of the tendencies of the developing synoptic tradition.[18] 5) the criterion of historical presumption.[19] Meier admits that his secondary criteria are of somewhat “dubious” quality by themselves—the last two he says are almost worthless—but insists that they may be helpful to confirm decisions already made on the basis of primary criteria.[20] He also reminds the reader that the application of these criteria is more an art than a science and can yield only varying degrees of probability.

When Meier applies these criteria to Jesus, the following picture emerges: Jesus was born during the reign of Herod the Great, probably near the end of his reign. Jesus’ mother was named Mary and his father was named Joseph.[21] He was probably born in Nazareth, though a birth in Bethlehem cannot positively be ruled out.[22] There was “an early and widely attested belief in Jesus’ Davidic descent,” but this does not mean that Jesus “was literally, biologically of Davidic stock”.[23] Historical research cannot confirm or deny the testimony about the virgin birth,[24] but the counter tradition that he was illegitimate is of later origin.[25]

Evidence indicates that Jesus may well have been literate and trilingual (Hebrew, Greek and Aramaic), but he was not a trilingual teacher.[26] Jesus’ occupation was woodworker, probably a maker of such items as doors, door frames, locks, bolts and various pieces of furniture.[27] This probably placed him somewhere in what Americans would call the lower part of the middle class.[28]

Jesus’ family consisted of his mother and father, brothers and sisters,[29] as well as an extended village family. The break he made with these ties “no doubt left deep scars that can still be seen in the Gospel narratives.”[30] While we cannot be certain whether Jesus was ever married, it is more likely that he was celibate.[31] Jesus was a layman and “charismatic wonder-worker in conflict with priests” who were concerned about keeping the status quo.[32]
While we cannot reconstruct a chronology of Jesus’ ministry, we can establish certain rough dates. He was born in 7 or 6 B.C. He was attracted to John’s ministry about AD 27 or 28. His ministry lasted for about “two years and a few months” and came to an end by crucifixion in April of AD 30.[33]

In volume two Meier begins with a detailed study of John the Baptist. John was an anti-establishment prophet whose views were likely developed and expanded by being raised in Qumran.[34] John was a prophet who proclaimed imminent and fiery judgment on unrepentant Israel. He was one who emphasized that escaping God’s judgment could only be effected by a change of heart accompanied by outward change in action, not merely by being the “offspring of Abraham”.[35] John chose to preach his message up and down the Jordan River valley. Meier acknowledges the symbolism in this, but insists that John preached in the “real Judean desert” and by the “real Jordan River”.[36]

After discussing “John without Jesus”, Meier goes on to discuss “Jesus without John”. He argues that about AD 28 Jesus traveled to the Jordan River to receive baptism by John and in so doing, “acknowledged John’s imminent fiery judgment on a sinful Israel. Jesus submitted to John’s baptism as a seal of his resolve to change his life and as a pledge of salvation as part of a purified Israel…”[37] Jesus then became, for awhile, a member of John’s disciples and eventually took some of his own disciples from John’s group.[38] Jesus carried on John’s views of “God’s imminent judgment” on Israel, and his call to repentance and baptism.[39]

Jesus then began to preach the kingdom of God. This, according to Meier, evokes the whole Old Testament story of God’s good creation having fallen into sin, his gracious choice of Israel and their liberation from bondage in Egypt, the descent of Israel into even greater idolatry and sin, their refusal to heed their prophets warnings, the Babylonian exile and promise of future restoration of a kingdom of peace and righteousness.[40] This became central to his proclamation[41] of a future kingdom which would bring a reversal of “poverty, sorrow and hunger”, would include Gentiles,[42] and would transcend “time, space, hostility between Jews and Gentiles, and finally death itself”.[43] But the kingdom was not wholly future. It was also in some sense already present in the ministry of Jesus himself,[44] “It was present in his powerful preaching and teaching, present in his table fellowship offered to all…”[45] In fact, the evidence points to the probability that Jesus actually enacted this present aspect of the kingdom in feats that those around him thought of as miraculous healings, exorcisms and in raising the dead.[46] But, “as Jesus comes to the Last Supper, he is faced with the fact that his ministry, from a human point of view, has been largely a failure.”[47] He senses that death is near, but he is convinced that “his cause is God’s cause” and that God will vindicate him by seating Jesus at the final banquet in the kingdom.[48] Discussion of Jesus’ resurrection will, evidently, have to wait until Meier completes his third volume.

II. Critique of Meier
John Meier is certainly to be commended for his lengthy and detailed analysis of the historical Jesus. When compared to some of the books coming out of the Jesus Seminar, for example, Meier’s work is a breath of fresh air. He states his criteria up-front and goes into meticulous, thorough, and sometimes nearly exhaustive analysis of the data in light of various scholarly opinions. His view of the historical Jesus is certainly much closer to that of the gospel writers than most of the ones presented by those in the First, Second or the Third quests.

Nevertheless, no work of this magnitude is likely to be without difficulties and Meier’s work is no exception. First, Meier’s whole method is essentially a minimalist approach based on the worn-out model of higher-critical skepticism. He will simply not admit as evidence anything the Gospel writers have written unless it can be multiply and independently attested, unless it is a source of embarrassment to early Christians, unless the saying cannot be attributed either to early Christianity or to Judaism, etc. This is not to downplay the importance of these criteria, but it would be a very interesting study to examine the historical background information that is assumed as fact in some Third Quest books, to see how much of it could stand up to the same criteria.

Second, while one gets the impression that Meier has tried hard to be honest and objective, no one, including the writer of this review, is ever completely objective and Meier is no exception. For example, while acknowledging that the tradition about Jesus’ birth is multiply and independently attested, and that it is not the creation of the evangelists, he nevertheless writes that Jesus was more probably born in Nazareth! [49]

Meier’s bias also comes through when he then attempts to explain how Matthew “must strain” to show how Jesus ended up in Nazareth. Matthew reports that Joseph went to Nazareth because Herod’s son Archelaus was ruling Judea. Meier thinks this an unbelievable explanation because Herod’s other son, Antipas, who killed John the Baptist, was ruling Galilee. But Joseph had no way of knowing that Antipas would kill John the Baptist! What he probably did know, however, was that soon after Herod’s death, Archelaus had three thousand Jews killed in Jerusalem![50] Matthew’s explanation makes perfect sense in light of the history of the time, and it is hard to explain Meier’s lapse of memory on this.

Another example of bias is Meier’s view that “all Four Gospels have to struggle to ‘make John safe’ for Christianity”. His evidence is 1) that Mark’s John does not recognize Jesus’ true identity, 2) that Matthew’s John recognizes Jesus dignity, 3) Luke’s John is a relative of Jesus “so that the fetus of the Baptist may greet and bear witness to the fetus of Jesus…” and 4) in the Gospel of John, the Baptist’s main function is not to baptize, but to bear witness to Jesus. This is all seen as being a contradictory conflict of interpretations due to the fact that John was an embarrassment to early Christians.[51] But there is simply nothing necessarily conflicting or contradictory in any of these points and Meier’s statement about the fetus of John bearing witness to the fetus of Jesus is certainly stretching Luke’s actual statement! Meier’s arguments about the Gospel’s making John “safe” for Christianity are, therefore, apparently based more on a desire to see John’s relation to Jesus a certain way, rather than on his stated criteria.

The highlighting of Meier’s bias is not intended to disparage Meier’s work as a whole. It is intended, rather, to make the point that there are numerous places where Meier dismisses evidence from the Gospels as being creations of the later church where I think his bias has clearly led him beyond the evidence.

Aside from this, Meier has produced an outstanding work that stands head and shoulders above most similar works on the historical Jesus. Unfortunately, the historical methodology he uses is still essentially a minimalist skeptical approach which is not generally applied to other areas of ancient history. The value of Meier’s work is to show the very least we can know about Jesus from a strictly historical perspective, which, contrary to Bultmann and his followers, turns out to be quite a significant amount. To determine not just the minimum, but what we can reasonably know about the historical Jesus, we need a new paradigm. N.T. Wright has proposed just such a paradigm.

III. The Historical Jesus according to N.T. Wright
Wright begins by laying an epistemological and worldview foundation for the historical study of Jesus and the New Testament. Arguing against both historical positivism[52] and phenomenalism,[53] Wright advocates the philosophy of “critical realism” which proposes a “spiraling path” of interaction between the “knower” and the thing to be known.[54] With “critical realism” as the epistemological foundation for his historiography, Wright proceeds to argue that history should be researched like other sciences, i.e., by developing hypotheses and proposing tests to determine their validity.[55]

Wright goes on to discuss literary theory and storytelling, arguing that worldviews are often expressed in the stories people tell.[56] He argues that the Jews were no different from other people in their storytelling, except that Jewish stories often had a basis in historical events. He demonstrates that the essential story of Israel involves the creator God who calls Israel to be His people but because of sin, these people have gone into exile. According to Wright, first century Jews believed that Israel was still in exile but expected one day to be redeemed because they were the covenant people of God.

Wright develops this thesis by proposing that Jesus, followed by the early church, re-told this story of Israel with a different and subversive twist. They told the story in such a way that Jesus was seen as the story’s climax. God was working in and through Jesus to bring about the establishment of God’s kingdom through the redemption—the return from exile—of the true Israel who were those who responded to Jesus in faith. Wright develops this thesis at great length in volume two, Jesus and the Victory of God.

Wright begins his second volume by tracing the quest for the historical Jesus from Reimarus to the present, arguing that the modern quest is divided along party lines between those (very broadly speaking) following the path of Wrede in “thoroughgoing scepticism” and those following Schweitzer in thoroughgoing eschatology. Wright places Downing, Funk, Mack, Crossan, and most Jesus’ Seminar scholars in Wrede’s camp and offers an extended and, in my opinion, devastating critique of their positions.[57] The latter camp is what Wright labels “the Third Quest” and includes such scholars as Hengel, Vermes, Borg, Sanders, Theissen, Horsley, Freyne, Charlesworth, Witherington and Meier. Wright includes himself in this camp, the primary characteristic of which is the “real attempt to do history seriously” and to “be guided by first-century sources.”[58]

Wright then suggests that there are five key questions that have emerged within this Third Quest. They are: 1) How does Jesus fit into Judaism? 2) What were Jesus’ aims? 3) Why did Jesus die? 4) How and why did the early church begin? 5) Why are the Gospels what they are? [59]

Wright’s methodology involves proposing a hypothesis to answer these major questions. He further proposes to test his hypothesis by the following criteria: 1) coherence with other known data. 2) the criteria of double-dissimilarity, i.e., when something fits well within known first century Judaism, and also explains elements of later Christianity. 3) the criterion of simplicity, i.e., its ability to provide plausible answers to the major questions without having to manipulate, distort, or omit the data.[60]

Wright’s hypothesis contains five parts: 1) Jesus spoke and acted believably in a first century Jewish context. 2) Jesus believed himself to be charged by God with the task of “regrouping Israel around himself”, not in preparation for the coming kingdom, but as the kingdom. Jesus viewed this as the return from exile, the redemption of Israel and the resurrection of Israel from the dead. It was a counter-temple movement and was perceived as such by the religious authorities. 3) This movement explains opposition from Pharisees, the Temple establishment and the Romans. 4) If Jesus’ message and mission “were vindicated after that shameful death, there would be every reason to continue to believe that the kingdom had indeed arrived, and that it extended even to Gentiles. 5) The parable of the “prodigal father” is precisely this story: the story of “the prophetic son, Israel-in-person, who will himself go into the far country, who will take upon himself the shame of Israel’s exile, so that the kingdom may come, the covenant be renewed, and the prodigal welcome of Israel’s god, the creator, be extended to the ends of the earth.”[61] The rest of volume two attempts to show in great detail how the parables, teachings and actions of Jesus recorded in the Gospels, as well as the structure of the Gospels themselves, support this five-fold hypothesis and meet the pre-established criteria.

When Wright applies his hypothesis, as verified by the stated criteria, the following picture of Jesus emerges: Jesus was born about 4 BC, grew up in Nazareth, spoke Aramaic as well as some Greek and Hebrew, and emerged as a public figure around AD 28. He traveled around the villages of Galilee calling people to repent and announcing the kingdom. He also enacted his message “by remarkable cures, including exorcisms, and by sharing table-fellowship with a socio-culturally wide group.”[62]

As a prophet Jesus “regarded his ministry as in continuity with, and bringing to a climax, the work of the great prophets of the Old Testament”.[63] His prophetic message was “designed to encourage those who ‘have ears to hear’ to believe that they really are the true Israel of the covenant god, and that they will soon be vindicated as such—while the rest of the world, including particularly the now apostate or impenitent Israel, is judged.[64]

Jesus, therefore, believed himself to be in some sense the representative of Israel, the “focal point of the people of YHWH, the returned-from-exile people, the people of the renewed covenant, the people whose sins were now to be forgiven”.[65] As the true interpreter of the Torah, the builder of the Temple and spokesperson for wisdom, he was the very embodiment of the message he had preached.[66] But to bring about the end of exile and forgiveness of sins he would have to go to Jerusalem, fight the forces of evil and be enthroned as rightful king. And that is what he set out to do, though “as he hinted to James and John, he had in mind a different battle, a different throne”.[67] Jesus went to Jerusalem to die.[68] For Wright, Jesus’ final trip to Jerusalem was highly symbolic:

Focus…on a young Jewish prophet telling a story about YHWH returning to Zion as judge and redeemer, and then embodying it by riding into the city in tears, symbolizing the Temple’s destruction and celebrating the final exodus. I propose as a matter of history, that Jesus of Nazareth was conscious of a vocation: a vocation given him by the one he knew as ‘father’, to enact in himself what, in Israel’s scriptures, God had promised to accomplish all by himself. He would be the pillar of cloud and fire for the people of the new exodus. He would embody in himself the returning and redeeming action of the covenant God.[69]

The coming of YHWH is, therefore, to be understood in terms of Jesus’ coming to Jerusalem to die. The “second coming” announced in Matthew 24-25 is not, according to Wright, the personal return of Jesus, but rather the great judgment coming upon Jerusalem and its leadership which will vindicate “Jesus and his people as the true Israel.”[70] There is, of course, a time lag between the first and second comings, but according to Wright it is not the 2000 year gap usually imagined. It is the gap between Jesus’ coming to Jerusalem to die, and the destruction of Jerusalem forty years later.[71]

IV. Critique of Wright
Wright has proposed a refreshing new model for doing New Testament historical studies. Gone are the attempts to squeeze the Gospels and New Testament into relatively recent philosophical models (e.g., Paulus’ rationalism, Strauss’ Hegelianism, etc.). Gone is the hyper skepticism of past and recent studies (e.g., Bultmann, Mack, etc). Gone is the atomistic and highly questionable dissection of verses and pericopes (e.g., Kloppenborg). Both Meier and Wright, at long last, are attempting to do serious historical research being guided by first-century religion, philosophy, and historical sources. And the picture of Jesus that emerges from Wright’s analysis, though given an interesting twist, is one that finally does justice to the New Testament data.

Nevertheless, there are numerous aspects of Wright’s work which are bound to be highly controversial among evangelicals. One issue, for example, is Wright’s use of the parable of the prodigal son as the basic illustrative paradigm for his hypothesis. He interprets this parable in such a way that the prodigal son represents Israel who goes into exile because of sin, later to return in repentance to a loving and waiting father. The prodigal son also represents Jesus, who, as the embodiment of Israel, has taken on her sin and is facilitating the return of Israel from exile. The angry brother is the religious establishment opposed to Jesus’ program of calling Israel to repentance and return from exile. While Wright’s interpretation has much to commend it, it will no doubt be a topic for discussion.

Another topic of possible controversy is Wright’s insistence that first century Jews believed the exile was not yet over. Wright makes a good case for this, showing that even though Jews were back in their land, the promises of God proclaimed by the prophets had not yet been fulfilled; but this too could no doubt be a topic of debate.

Especially controversial is Wright’s insistence that the “coming of the son of man in the clouds” in Daniel is to be taken figuratively of “YHWH’s destruction of opposing forces and vindication of His people and Messiah.”[72] In fact, if Wright believes in a literal second coming of Christ at all, it is not apparent from the two books under consideration. However, if first century Christians understood the second coming to be entirely figurative, one wonders why New Testament writers seemed to understand Jesus’ coming literally (e.g., Acts 1:9-11, Matthew 24:29-44, cf. 1 Thess. 4:13-18, et al). Wright’s dismissal of all such passages as apocalyptic imagery is unconvincing. Unfortunately, we will have to wait for Wright’s third volume for a more thorough the answer to this question.[73]

Finally, although it is not fashionable in critical circles to place much historical credence in the Gospel of John, it is puzzling why Wright chooses to exclude it entirely from his study of the historical Jesus. This is especially true since, 1) Wright has done an excellent job of pointing out the utter bankruptcy of higher critical scholarship in Jesus studies, so it is unusual that he apparently bows to the pressures of critical scholarship by excluding John from consideration. 2) Wright has developed a whole new paradigm for historical Jesus studies, so it is strange that he has chosen not to include John in that paradigm. 3) Even Meier, who takes a much more skeptical approach to the study of Jesus than Wright, acknowledges that some of the Gospel of John contains historically useful information. It is strange, therefore, that Wright does not seem to agree, at least in practice. Adding John to the pool of possible sources may help to modify or clarify certain points in Wright’s reconstruction.

V. Summary and Conclusions: Comparison and methodology
There are several differences in Meier’s and Wright’s historical methodology. One, for example, is that Wright takes the time to develop a solid foundation for his work with discussions of epistemology, worldviews, literary and historical studies. He paints a broad picture of the first century in light of this foundation, develops a hypothesis about the historical Jesus which fits into this broad picture and which answers the questions Third Quest scholars are asking, and seeks to verify his hypothesis by pre-selected criteria. Meier, on the other hand, assumes the validity of many higher critical assumptions about the Gospels, spells out his criteria, and analyzes various sources and individual passages in great depth to determine their historical reliability. In other words, Wright begins with a broad picture, develops a hypothesis and uses his criteria to verify the details. Meier applies his criteria to the details in an effort to develop a broader picture.

Another difference is that, while both scholars take a critical approach to the Gospels, Meier is more skeptical about the basic reliability of the Gospels than Wright. This fact comes out in many of Meier’s decisions. Meier stands firmly in the historical-critical family of interpreters, and his methodology reflects that tradition at every level, including his choice of criteria. The problem, as Meier sees it, is to distinguish between oral tradition, creations of the early church, and what actually goes back to Jesus. Wright, on the other hand, presents convincing arguments against the idea that many of the Gospel narratives are the fictional creation of the early church or the evangelists.

Yet another difference is that Meier is much more meticulous and goes into much more depth than Wright in attempting to verify historical reliability of particular Gospel passages. Ironically enough, however, the results of Meier’s work could actually be used to strengthen the case for the historical reliability of the broader picture painted by Wright.
Finally, when Meier’s task is complete, we are left with an essentially minimalist view of Jesus, i.e. this is what we can reasonably believe about Jesus because it cannot be reasonably denied or explained away. If such skepticism and criteria were applied to other figures and events in ancient history, one must wonder if much of anything would be left. But the old skepticism and assured results of higher criticism have been weighed, by Wright and others, in the balances and found wanting. The hyper-critical model from which Meier’s work is descended has, in Meier, reached the limit of its usefulness. Wright, on the other hand, gives us not a minimalist view of Jesus but a view of what we can be reasonably sure of from a strictly historical perspective. He does this by proposing a hypothesis to answer five basic questions posed by the Third Quest and by applying pre-selected criteria to show how this hypothesis best incorporates all the data with the least distortion, dissection, or omission.

Although I have some rather significant disagreements with some of Wright’s interpretations, I think Wright’s view of the historical Jesus brings us much closer to the “real” Jesus than Meier’s and has great potential for further study.


[1] Following the Old Quest for the Historical Jesus and the New Quest for the Historical Jesus, the Third Quest is now underway. Although there is a wide variety of opinion about Jesus among those engaged in the Third Quest, the chief characteristic seems to be a desire to do serious historical study of Jesus within his first century historical and social context.
[2] John Meier. A Marginal Jew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus. Vol. 1. (New York : Doubleday, 1991) 22.
[3] Ibid, 1.
[4] Ibid, 24.
[5] Ibid, 139.
[6] Ibid, 94.
[7] Ibid, 60-61. Meier’s reconstruction of what Josephus really wrote is as follows: “At this time there appeared Jesus, a wise man. For he was a doer of startling deeds, a teacher of people who receive the truth with pleasure. And he gained a following both among many Jews and among many of Greek origin. And when Pilate, because of an accusation made by leading men among us, condemned him to the cross, those who had loved him previously did not cease to do so. And up until this very day the tribe of Christians (named after him) has not died out.” p. 61.
[8] Ibid, 68.
[9] Ibid, 167.
[10] Sayings or actions which would have been embarrassing to the early church and therefore, unlikely to have been made up.
[11] Sayings or actions which are unlikely to have come either from Judaism or from early Christianity.
[12] Sayings or actions which are attested in more than one independent source.
[13] Sayings or deeds which “fit well” with other facts about Jesus which have been established as historical.
[14] Sayings or deeds which offer good explanation for the trial and crucifixion of Jesus. Meier. Ibid. p. 168-177.
[15] Greek sayings in the gospels which show traces of having been translated from Aramaic.
[16] Sayings that reflect concrete social or political conditions of first century Palestine.
[17] Sayings which show “liveliness and concrete details especially when the details are not relevant to the main point of the story.”
[18] Excluding sayings which are strongly characteristic of the evangelists vocabulary and theology.
[19] The burden of proof is “on anyone who tries to prove anything”. Meier. Ibid. Vol. I. P. 178-183.
[20] Ibid, 168.
[21] Ibid, 214.
[22] Ibid, 216.
[23] Ibid, 219.
[24] Ibid, 229, 230.
[25] Ibid, 230.
[26] Ibid, 168, 278.
[27] Ibid, 281.
[28] Ibid, 282.
[29] Ibid, 331.
[30] Ibid, 317.
[31] Ibid, 345.
[32] Ibid, 347-348.
[33] Ibid, 407.
[34] John Meier. A Marginal Jew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus. Vol. II. (New York : Doubleday, 1991) 27.
[35] Ibid, 40.
[36] Ibid, 46-47.
[37] Ibid,116.
[38] Ibid, 122. Meier’s judgment that Jesus was, for awhile, a disciple of John comes entirely from the Gospel of John which Meier, contrary to Wright, is willing to accept in to evidence if the pericopae under consideration can be verified by the criteria.
[39] Ibid, 176.
[40] Ibid, 241.
[41] Ibid, 289.
[42] Ibid, 337, 349.
[43] Ibid, 317.
[44] Ibid, 450-451.
[45] Ibid, 1044.
[46] Ibid, 630, 650, 653, 658, 678, 698, 706, 726, 773-775, 970,
[47] Ibid, 307.
[48] Ibid, 308
[49] Ibid, 214.
[50] William Whiston. The Works of Josephus. (Peabody, MA : Hendrickson, 1987) 466.
[51] Meier. Vol. II, 21-22.
[52] The idea that history can be told with complete objectivity and that we can have unquestionable knowledge about certain facts. N.T. Wright. New Testament and the People of God. (Minneapolis : Fortress Press, 1992) 32-34.
[53] The very skeptical position that the only thing I can be sure of is my own sense data. Wright. Ibid. 34.
[54] Ibid, 35.
[55] Ibid, 37.
[56] Ibid, 38ff, 46-80.
[57] N.T. Wright. Jesus and the Victory of God. (Minneapolis : Fortress Press, 1996), 16-82.
[58] Ibid, 84.
[59] Ibid, 89-113.
[60] Wright, NTPG, p. 98-109; Wright. JVG. 131-133.
[61] Wright, JVG, 132-133.
[62] Wright, JVG, 147.
[63] Wright, JVG, 167.
[64] Wright, JVG, 178.
[65] Wright, JVG, 538
[66] Wright, JVG, 538.
[67] Wright, JVG, 539.
[68] Wright, JVG. 610.
[69] Wright, JVG, 653.
[70] Wright, JVG, 636.
[71] Wright, JVG, 636.
[72] Wright, JVG, 516.
[73] Wright, JVG, 659.